Biya's Illegality

Since the dictator of French Cameroun, Paul Biya (85), was never elected by the people in fair, democratic, unmanipulated elections, and since after two constitutional terms he lost the elections in 1992 but manipulated the constitution to stay in power, he is totally illegal and not a head of state but a criminal extraordinaire. Any foreign government or union in the world, who still takes him as a president of a country must be accused and lectured about the legal facts and the many war crimes for which he and many in his government are responsible. He and his cronies must be brought before International Criminal Court and/or the Court of Justice of the African Union based on the many violations of UN Charters, AU Charters, Geneva Convention and International and Cameroonian Law likewise. The following list of videotapes which document these many violations and war crimes committed by the French Camerounese army, police or mercenaries on the mainly Christian, Anglophone Ambazonians, after they dared to protest and march peacefully against the Biya regime, shall help bringing the culprits behind bars. Also check out the even bigger data collection on Facebook "Taking Action Against Crimes Against Humanity - Tacrah"!


For better understanding in the following video list:


  1. “Ambazonia” is the sovereign, annexed state which the Biya regime calls “Anglophone minority”. Ambazonia is legal because the UN voted for her sovereignty in 1961. Biya is illegal, because he was never elected in unmanipulated elections.

  2. Cameroun is illegally occupying and committing war crimnes in Ambazonia. Ambazonia is not doing anything on the territory of Cameroun; she just defends herself from genocide on her own territory. 

  3. “Buea” is the biggest city in southern Ambazonia and former capital of the once by Germans colonized Kamerun (1886-1916) and present capital of Ambazonia

  4. “Bamenda” is the biggest city in northern Ambazonia, where most of the revolts against the Biya regime had started through the decades

  5. “LRC” stands for La République du Cameroun, which is actually a kleptocracy and dictatorship not a republic

  6. “CPDM” is the biggest pro-Biya political party in Cameroon and it was forbidden in Ambazonia by the Ambazonian leadership

  7. SDF is the biggest official opposition party in Ambazonia against the Biya regime, but its leaders are mainly bought over and accept Biya as a president  (Ambazonia - The forgotten genocide (full film))  (Summary of the genocide in Southern Cameroons Ambazonia. Paul Biya the big devil in action) (LRC Forces Confession on Biya Message to Terminate Everybody inb Southern Cameroons)  (Cameroon: Security forces slammed over human rights violations!) (Bloody violence & media blackout in Southern Cameroon [News on RT early 2017]) (URGENT investigation into human rights violations in the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon) (VERY EMOTIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT ON SOUTHERN CAMEROON AT THE UNO) (USA BACKING SOUTHERN CAMEROONS IN UN & CONDEMNED LRC FOR SERIOUS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS) (Exclusive footage smuggled out of Cameroonian jail shows horrific conditions)  (Bamenda protest. Close to 100 wounded. One dead.) (Cameroon: Several killed in clashes with police in Anglophone region) (Cameroon teachers on strike in battle over teachers in English or French) (Cameroon Anglophone lawyers continue strike) (Bamenda Boys against CPDM) (Police and Gendarm severely torturing University students in Buea Cameroon. Strike Nov 28, 2016) (Police and Gendarm severely torturing University students in Buea Cameroon. Strike Nov 28, 2016) (Police and Gendarm severely torturing University students in Buea Cameroon. Strike Nov 28, 2016)  (Université Buéa - les forces de l'Ordre entrent dans des résidences et torturent des étudiants) (BOYS SHOOTING Government CAR BAMENDA STRIKE) (Police brutality in Cameroon) (Gross Human Rights violation by the forces of LRC in Ambazonia) (Southern Cameroons citizedn held in underground prisons at SED, Yaounde) (HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN CAMEROON (GENOCIDE)) (Southern Cameroon protest) (CNN coverage of protests in Cameroon which turn deadly 12/15/2016) (Cameroon Soldiers Kill Protesters, Brutalize Students) (Cameroon's English-speaking minority angry over perceived domination of French language) [It’s actually not a minority but a unique sovereign people who are not Cameroonians but Ambazonbians.] (This is strike from Bamenda [Southern] Cameroons) (YAOUNDE AND BAMENDA THE SAME DAY DECEMBER 8 STRIKE ACTION) (Bamenda boiling THEY ESCAPE TEARGAS DECEMBER 8) (Bamenda in turmoil today, December 8th 2016) (Bamenda in turmoil today, December 8th, 2016 (part 2)) (December 8 Strike in Bamenda) (Strike Action in Bamenda Day 1 Nov 21) (UN Strike Cameroon 28 Nov. 2016 [UB = University of Buea; these were peaceful strikes which La Regime du Biya answered with violence and raping girls]) (The Strike in Bamenda, [Southern] Cameroon) (Violent Strike action in Bamenda, [Southern] Cameroon) (Southern Cameroonians in Kumba clash with Police) (Bamenda Strike #NoToMarginalization) (Southern Cameroon protest in Bamenda) [Camerounese soldiers let captive shovel his own grave and shoot him there; location unidentified; first published before 2017] (Southern Cameroonians (Ambazonians) held in dungeons worst than the days of Hitler.[nobody knows where these captives are now]] (ambazonian pregnant woman in labour killed by governor Lele of Cameroon) (Cameroonian police torturing University students forcing them to bath and drink sewage water) (La Republique du Cameroun military helicopter intimidating Ambazonian peaceful population of Tiko) (A delegation sent by the Interim Government of Ambazonia to our comrades in refugee camps in Nigeria) (Paul Biya killing innocent Ambazonians and the world is silent) (Biya the devil's incarnate burns a 95 years old Ambazonian woman. Meta woman burnt in kwakkw) (Our Ambazonian brothers in Kondengui prison suffering from lrc) (Paul Biya incarnate of the devil burns down houses of poor Ambazonian farmers) (Paul Biya the devil burns down the neighborhood of Kwakwa) (Biya the devil burning villages and leaving people helpless why he kill or kidnap the youths) (Biya pushing the AMBAZONIAN youths become criminals after making graduates become bike riders you burn their biks. How will they survive. Ambzonians rise to fall no more) (Burning of Kuke by Cameroon Army) (Cameroon military destroying cars in Bafut North West of Ambazonia) (Displaced population of Moyenge in the forest) (Ambazonians displaced in the forest going to Moyuka) (The atrocities of Cameroon military on civilian properties) (Ambazonians fleeing from Cameroon genocide of Paul Biya) (Video from Mota Wenama Biya and his army roasting human beings and the entire village in Foe Bakundu Meme South West of Ambazonia) (The cutting of Sam Saya's neck by Cameroon army [Beheading of innocent civilians just on suspicion, carried out by Biya's soldiers]) (The corpse of beheaded Sam Soya domped in the mutuary by LRC army) (LRC army burning houses in Lebialem by UN soldiers [LRC soldiers pretend to be from UN by wearing blue helmets]) (Soldiers of LRC 11th of June 2018 in Teke village burnt down with three persons burnt alive) (Breast feeding Ambazonia girls forced to swim in mud by LRC military of Biya. Reason for separation) (LRC military indiscriminately firing on civilian population and property in Ambazonian) (Ambazonia fighters singing their national anthem) (Bakundu Villages in Ambazonia burnt by Paul Biya of Cameroon. Killing Civilians) ([man killed in front of wives and children] One famous Bali driver by nam Kantona. One cultural musician by name chasii.Taken from their houses) (genocide in Santa [region in the north of Ambazonia])  (All Ambazonians citizens killed and driven in the bushes so the Divisional Officer and the gendarms had to do the marching) (Manyeme in Ambazonia people forced to flee in the bushes by the cameroun army killing squad.)  (MoRISC TV - The Santa-Menka-Pinyin Massacre) 


Many thanks to Rev Friar Charles Lwanga Augustino Maria, (Charles Lyonga Matute), from Benevento Major Seminary, who contributed a lot of videos here. His youtube channel is: Liwoungwa Lyonga Matute charles. 

In the following Ambazonian villages houses of civilians have been burnt down by soldiers of LRC: 



2.Boa Bakundu

3.Bole Bakundu

4.Dipenda Bakundu 

5.Big Ngwandi




9.Kombone mission

10.Kake I

11.Kake II


13.Big Massaka


15.Foe Bakundu


17.Small Ekombe






23.Mongo ndor







30.Doti Nobi


















48.Ekona Mombo






54.Bombele mbonge

55.Kumu kumu






and about 40 further villages. 

We ask anybody, who has more evidence to email it to We will publish it here. 

Here is the BBC's summary report in June 2018, which got many details wrong:

Here what it got wrong: 

The BBC should be ashamed of the video it has just released on the crisis in the Cameroons. While it is laudable that Bush House bothered to produce a video, their journalists and producers did such a shabby job that the video sets a low in journalistic malpractice on at least six counts.


First, the BBC claims (from the onset of the video) that the problem in the Cameroons is one of the government struggling to put down an armed insurgency. The BBC refuses to acknowledge that what the government is doing is waging a war to suppress loud and louder demands for independence or restoration of independence.


Second, and having carefully avoided the first point above, the BBC aligns its version of the story with that of Her Majesty’s Government and the version of the Biya regime. The BBC claims that the problem is one of marginalization.


Third, the BBC treats every single accusation against the Biya regime and its troops, as allegations. Nothing is a fact. Every single one of the accusations against government troops is reported as an allegation. To further undo the allegation, the BBC takes time to interview the regime spokesperson Issa Tchiroma so that he can go on record deny every allegation. The BBC even allows him to claim that the burning of villages by persons wearing regime uniforms is done by persons who obtained the uniforms of government troops.


Fourthly, the BBC does not extend the same level of fair journalistic practice (shown to the regime via its spokesperson) to the leaders or spokespersons of the pro-independence movements. There is no interview to counter allegations against pro-independence movements. In addition, the BBC makes it worse by presenting every allegation as a proven or unquestionable fact. For example, the BBC presents as a fact the accusation that the young man tortured by gendarmes in the video, laying on the ground and pinned down by a chair, as a fact. The BBC reports that the young man is, indeed, a rebel commander. Not alleged. 


Fifth, the BBC also states that the persons shown being tortured in dark rooms at night are not only pro-regime people but that those torturing them are pro-independence fighters. The BBC does not question the likelihood of the regime using such video to give pro-independence fighters a bad name. The BBC does not say these are allegations. They present it as facts. Also, the BBC does not interview any pro-independence leader to try to ascertain the allegations... whereas their producers do so for the government spokesperson.


Sixth, and finally, the BBC did no investigation of their own beyond using Google Earth imagery (which anyone can find and use). They are so lazy and careless about the harm done by the scorched policy that they don’t even mention it as such. The BBC simply relied on stealing video shot by our people at great risk to their lives and, I am ready to bet, used the video without paying any copyright fees to the producers... Even worse, they used the video to question the reality documented in those video clips by those who took the risks to shoot them to ensure that the impunity they reveal can be fought against. 


Overall - and it is another low - the BBC takes the death toll figures provided by the Biya regime (81 soldiers and police and over 100 civilians) - as gospel. The BBC does not ask anyone in the pro-independence movements what the death toll is. The obviously refuse to even consider the death toll provided by Hon. Joseph Wirba and a parliamentary group under his leadership, which reported that over 120 peaceful celebrants of independence were killed by regime forces in just one day: the 1st of October 2017.


The BBC should be ashamed of this video.


Ntumfoyn Boh Herbert (Yindo Toh)

Spokesperson, MoRISC

Here is the compilation "Tears, Joy and Carnage - Ambazonia lives!" about the human rights violations the illegal foreign occupier and aggressor French Cameroun was committing on the territory of victim Ambazonia, written by the Ambazonian patriot Ntumfoyn Herbert Boh, in the pdfs below, part 1,2,3:

The US Ambassador to Cameroon admits that the Cameroonian government is committing summary executions, burning villages, looting, and does not allow lawyers or red cross to political detainees, and is harassing the general population, see here: 

Amnesty International's report on "Cameroon's Anglophone regions" sounds as if the violence of the attacker (Cameroun) and the violence of the defender (Ambazonia) would be equally bad:

Amnesty International and also the UN Human Rights Department OHCR need to be lectured that in international law there is distinguishing between perpetrator and victim. 

The Ambazonian Patriot Ntumfoyn Herbert Boh wrote this lecture below, please forward it to all Human Rights Organizations in the world; you find them here:

If a lion and a deer were locked in a fight, can one say there is violence on both sides?


Well – that is what Amnesty International seems to have concluded in its most recent report on the Cameroons. Media accounts of the report “A Turn for the Worse” have been fairer to the victims of rights abuses than Amnesty’s account is. AFP leads on the story as follows: “A government crackdown in two regions of Cameroon where English-speaking separatists are campaigning for an independent state has inflamed the crisis, Amnesty International says.”

The report blames armed separatists for the escalation in the crisis. Here are the exact words [page 6]: “The escalation of such violence by the armed separatists by end of 2017 coincided with the militarization of the Anglophone regions…”

Everyone else – except Amnesty, it seems – knows that the escalation of the crisis started with the regime declaring war on those whom Cameroon’s 85-year-old tyrant Paul Biya calls “secessionists” and “terrorists.” The first act in the escalation was the indiscriminate targeting and killing of civilians. This was forewarned by a communique, issued on 1 December 2017, inviting citizens in 15 villages in Manyu to “relocate to safer neighborhoods.” Amnesty points to the communique but buys the propaganda sold by the Biya regime that “the communique was withdrawn the following day.” The so-called withdrawal did not prevent the regime from slaying those Biya called “terrorists” and a governor and sycophants of the regime called “dogs”, “roaches” and “rats”. Amnesty offers another outrageous excuse, writing: “Cameroon has the right and obligation to conduct law enforcement and security operations in any part of its territory.”

To their discharge - and unlike Human Rights Watch, which simply has not covered the crisis, going to the extent of simply omitting Cameroon from their 2017 report – Amnesty’s biggest achievement is that they issued a report. Sadly, the report fosters the under-reporting of some of the most gruesome violations. For example, the report is quiet on the massacre in Menka. It has nothing to say about the abduction and rendition of Sisiku AyukTabe and other leaders from Nigeria, except as footnotes. Of the now nearly 80 villages razed to the ground in Ambazonia, Amnesty mentions only one – Kwakwa. And, Amnesty focuses on the killing of two security officers in Kwakwa. It fails to mention the retributive killing of five civilians, including Mami Apih, burnt alive in her home. Amnesty sugarcoats the scorched-earth policy of the Biya regime by saying that its troops in Kwakwa “conducted a security operation which resulted in massive destruction of homes and property.” Amnesty sidesteps the fact that Kwakwa was destroyed in retaliation, not “in connection with the killing of two gendarmes.”

The report goes one step further. It attempts to sanitize what happened in Kwakwa and other communities torched by security forces. Here is how very nicely Amnesty reports on the savagery by security forces. “When security forces entered some of these villages [page 6], they used excessive force to locate and arrest those who had stayed behind.” Locate and arrest!

The omission of the Menka Massacre in a report covering January to May 2018 is telling. It cannot be explained simply by the fact that Amnesty did not visit Menka or that the story broke while the report was already in print. Amnesty researchers list Kembong as one of the villages they visited. Yet the report fails to mention Kembong as the first of nearly 80 villages burnt to the ground to date. Also, the report does not mention the declaration by the spokesperson of the colonial army who says their troops torched only those homes in which they allegedly found weapons. It also does not mention video – gone viral – showing soldiers torching homes.

Instead, and consistent with propaganda by the colonialists, Amnesty puts the spotlight on five traditional palaces which it claims were targeted and burnt down by mobs of angry youth. Amnesty is so confused about one of these palaces that it states [page 15] that one of the palaces burnt down was a house belonging to the ADF (Ambazonian Defense Forces).  The youth reportedly targeted the chiefs for collaborating with the colonizers, in the arrest, torture and killing of young pro-independence supporters. Whereas it is no longer in doubt that young Ambazonians are the most victimized segment of the population, Amnesty says traditional chiefs “are among those most targeted” and “have been badly hit by the crisis” [page 15].

Of the hundreds of schools known to have been vandalized or torched, the report blames pro-independence groups for the destruction of 42 schools. Silence on who burnt down or vandalized hundreds of other schools must mean the arsonists were government security forces. It is troops that set fire the very first time – by destroying a car belonging to one of the leaders of the teachers’ strike. Security forces later targeted and burnt down schools to protest the school boycott at a time when the regime was so irked by the churches keeping their schools under lock and key that they dragged Catholic bishops and other pastors to court.

Remarkably, Amnesty relays pro-regime accounts in which a teacher at a Catholic Primary School at Ntungfe, Boyo County, claims he was alone in the classroom (at 9.20am, on a school day) when he was attacked by one man, wielding a locally fabricated gun using pellets. In the second account, Amnesty buys the claim by the principal of the Baptist Comprehensive Secondary School at Njinikejem, Boyo County, that one man carrying a knife, attacked him and the matron in an effort to close down the school. Both stories are not believable. Attacks by angry mobs mentioned elsewhere in the report sound more convincing than lone wolf attacks. Amnesty also does not question why a school like Sacred Heart College, Mankon, was vandalized and partially burnt down while guarded by the dreaded BIR forces. Amnesty must not have seen video - gone viral – showing soldiers set fire to parts of Sacred Heart College.

Amnesty is careful to call its accusations of the Biya regime allegations. It issues a disclaimer to the effect that Amnesty “has not been able to independently verify these allegations of torture” [page 12].. Amnesty does not need to independently verify accusations against pro-independence groups. Referencing the 1 February 2018 killing of two gendarmes manning a checkpoint at Mbingo, North West Region, Amnesty says the killings – not allegedly – it says the killings were perpetrated “by a group of young armed separatists.” The report barely stops short of naming Sam Sawyer and three other young men beheaded later as the perpetrators.

While the report simply says “human rights violations need to stop,” it is more forceful in stating: “attacks on public officials, security forces and ordinary people are serious crimes.” Amnesty appears throughout the report to offer support for the security forces known for leading the violation of rights. For example, the report has the numbers of security officers killed down to the decimal point. That is not the same of attention to detail for Ambazonians killed. In sections of the report, it merely states that “some peaceful protesters were killed…” Some! No numbers! Amnesty seems to care less for innocent victims it has a mandate to protect. [See at the end of this article for confusing excerpts all drawn from the report on the killings]. That apparent lack of care for victims starts with the first line of the Executive Summary, which reads: “The Anglophone regions [not the people] have endured turmoil and violence in what has become a human rights crisis.”

Nope! The crisis is a national identity crisis. It is a territorial dispute between the two peoples and two nations of the Cameroons it is a crisis in which human rights violations have become rampant; not a human rights crisis. Amnesty seems to have used this report to victimize the victims. The approach is replicated when Amnesty downplays calls for independence. For example, the report [page 9] says “some protesters also called for greater autonomy for the Anglophone regions.” It is amazing that Amnesty documented “some protesters” demanding greater autonomy but could not see the multitudes – perhaps in their millions – who called for outright independence. Adding salt to injury, Amnesty misrepresents why the multitude of Ambazonians poured into the streets on 22 September 2017 and 1 October 2017. Whereas they came out to celebrate independence, those celebrations are misrepresented by Amnesty [page 10] calling them “large scale protests.”

One thing is clear in the report: Amnesty does not want to acknowledge Ambazonia, preferring to stick with the appellation: Anglophone regions. That is probably why the report tries hard to paint the crisis as one of language. For Amnesty, the Biya regime has been trying “to resolve the crisis” since January 2017 by… [wait for it!] “…by establishing a National Commission on the Promotion of Bilingualism and Multiculturalism, appointing Anglophone magistrates and bilingual teachers…” Amnesty barely stops short of suggesting, as some sycophants of the Biya regime have done, that Ambazonians are an ungrateful bunch not to recognize such kindness. As an Ambazonian, you feel like crying to see Amnesty join the regime [page 12] in reaffirming the falsehood that Ambazonians “lack competent Anglophone teachers.”

Finally, and although Amnesty rightly states that the violations are made possible by “a widespread and entrenched culture of impunity” [page 19], the report offers lame recommendations. In calling for accountability, the report calls on the regime to “take all legal measures to ensure accountability for crimes committed by the armed separatists” [page 30]. No such recommendation is made for crimes committed by regime forces. None of the recommendations calls for a repeal of the anti-terror law which allows the regime to charge persons who join mere anti-government protests with terrorism. This is the law that makes it legal for the regime to hold detainees “without charge for a period of 15 days, renewable indefinitely.” Remarkably, and further to Amnesty’s attempt to undermine the pro-independence movement, the report does not mention the rendition of Sisiku AyukTabe and aides, except as a footnote. It does not denounce the abductions, deportations, and the court-marshalling of pro-independence or pro-federalism activists before a military tribunal using a foreign language (French).

In recommending a political solution to the crisis, Amnesty fails to acknowledge the biggest demand by Ambazonians – independence and separation, first adopted as Option Zero in 1994 and followed in 1999 and 2009 by symbolic declarations of independence. Amnesty joins the Biya regime in calling for an end to “marginalization and exclusion” [page 31]. Singing from the same hymnbook as the regime, Amnesty calls for “an inclusive dialogue” that it explains could help restore [page 31] “the confidence between state representatives and the Anglophone communities.”

Either unwilling or unprepared to follow the lead already provided by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights which handed down a historic ruling recognizing Ambazonians as a people with an inalienable right to self-determination, Amnesty invites the Banjul-based court of the African Union to do something symbolic: “issue a public statement expressing concern…” You read right! Express concern and deploy “a fact-finding mission” to Ambazonia.

Notwithstanding the shortcomings of this report, it has focused world attention and caught the eye of global media. Thank you, Amnesty. However, my humble opinion is that a good starting point for reversing the abuses and righting the wrongs against Ambazonians would be for Amnesty International and other rights groups to join the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in reaffirming the inalienable right of Ambazonians to self-determination. A second important point would be for rights groups to recognize that the crimes underway in Ambazonia are no longer just human rights violations. What is unfolding in Ambazonia are Atrocity Crimes, war crimes, crimes against humanity and acts bordering on genocide.


Amnesty is right in noting that the clampdown and heavy-handed response from the Biya regime only “appear to have empowered and created space for more radical and violent movements to emerge with a focus on secession [the right word is restoration] and armed struggle.”





The Biya regime is a puppet of Françafrique. Please readçafrique and the excellent article about “Françafrique” on nsnbc international by Dr. Christof Lehmann below; this is absolute basic knowledge for everybody who wants to liberate Ambazonia and Cameroun from neocolonialism.

Published On: Fri, Oct 12th, 2012

Africa / Analysis / Economy / Editorial / Europe | By Christof Lehmann



French Africa Policy Damages African and European Economies.

Bleeding Africa and Feeding France – The Face of French Modo-Colonialism.

Christof Lehmann (nsnbc) : Since the independence of the former French colonies in western Africa they are in spite of the richness of their natural resources and the productivity of their populations still catastrophically under-developed.

In 2007 the French and European economies began deteriorating into a devastating recession. France seems to be like a man who is standing at the edge of a cliff, transfixed by the thought of falling into the abyss. In fear of losing the lucrative racket of controlling the western African economies he forgets that there is Terra firma and a possibility for both French, European and African prosperity behind him. Africans and leading European politicians expected that the administration of President Hollande would bring much-needed change with respect to French control over the economies of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Niger, the Republic of Congo, Senegal and Togo. However, also Hollande´s administration seems to be so transfixed by the prospect of falling into the abyss that it does not fathom the possibility of taking one step back.

Will France remain transfixed in fear and drag western Africa and Europe with it when it falls or does it dare to loosen up its grip on control over the good old CFA racket in its former colonies and discover the true potential and value of the African markets. As painful as it may be, the primary prerequisite for a progressive development and prosperity is the truth about the current state of affairs.

The root causes for the lacking development of the western African economies are closely related to the fact that France, contrary to other former colonial powers, managed to install its commissars at the heart of its former colonies economic and monetary system and that it still maintains almost unchallenged control over them. The system was created by German National Socialists during the 1930s and 40s. It was used to usurp France and other German occupied nations.

The Genesis of the CFA-System in Nazi Germany and the German Occupation of France.

On 9 Maj 1941 Hemmen, the German Ambassador to France declared that he had signed a treaty with the French Admiral Darlan. The treaty would place German commissars within the French National Bank´s departments for foreign currencies and international commerce.(1) The treaty was negotiated under the auspices of German Minister of Finance Herman Göring, whose father, Heinrich Ernst Göring has been the German Governor of German West Africa, todays Namibia, from 1885 to 1890. Herman Göring was among other notorious for his plundering the occupied nations’ economies through operations accounts and for his special interest in treasures and art from the German occupied areas.

At the end of world war two and the occupation of France, the French President Charles de Gaulle created the CFA Franc as a currency for the western African colonies. De Gaulle created a monetary union whose functions of control were based on the model Germany had used to usurp German occupied France.

Even though the colonies have since gained independence, the system of almost absolute control over their economies by the installment of commissars with the Central Banks of the West African Monetary and Economic Unions, the B.E.A.C., the B.C.C., and the B.C.E.A.O. persists.

Modo-Colonialism, the Veto Right by French Commissars over African Economies.

Together, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Guinea Bissau, Mali, Niger, the Republic of Congo, Senegal and Togo, establish the Monetary and Economic Union of West Africa (U.M.E.O.A. / UMEAO. Their currency, the CFA-Franc is printed under supervision of the French National Bank in Charmaliéres, France. The Council of Presidents of the fifteen U.M.E.O.A. member states constitutes the highest authority of the union. Decisions of the Presidential Council are made unanimously. The Ministerial Council of the U.M.E.O.A. defines the monetary and credit policy of the union and it is responsible for the economic development of the region. According to the constitutions of all fifteen member states the creation of their currency, the regulation of its value as well as the regulation of parities and modalities is the exclusive privilege of the nation and its people and decisions about it are made by the parliament.

The placement of French commissars within the heart of the nations and the union`s banking system however, creates an obvious dichotomy between the apparent sovereignty of the union, its constituents, and direct control from the previous colonial power.

Three of the thirteen of the Directors of the B.E.A.C. are French and four of the eight Directors of the B.C.C. are French. The Board of Directors of the B.C.E.A.O. is constituted by sixteen Directors; two from each country plus two additional Directors from France who take part in the management of the bank under the same conditions and with the same privileges as the other Directors. The number and placement of the commissars gives them a Veto right at the board of each of the Central Banks. No decision can be made without their approval and France can enforce its policy by threatening to deadlock the economies unless decisions are made in compliance with French suggestions.

The French Veto right also extends to the nomination of the Governor of the B.E.A.C.. The Governor is elected with the unanimous vote of the Board of Directors, on suggestion of the government of Gabon, and after the approval of the other member states as well as France.(2)

The Central Bank does not only have the privilege to create the currency. It also has the privilege to grant credit for the current accounts of the national treasuries at its discount rate. The Board of Directors is making the decisions about the temporalities and about the total amount that is granted for financing the economies of each of the member states.

Feeding France, Bleeding Africa – Current Accounts and the System of Usurpation.

While the primary instrument of control is the installment of French commissars, the primary instrument for usurping the western African economies is their current accounts. The member states agree to deposit their foreign currency reserves in a shared reserve fond.

The foreign currency reserves are subject to deposition in an operations account at the French National Bank. Between 1945 and 1973 one hundred per cent of the foreign currency reserves had to be deposited in the operations account, in 1973 it was reduced to sixty-five, and on 27. September 2005 to fifty percent. (3) Another fifteen percent is kept in a guaranty fund.

In other words sixty-five per cent of all foreign currency reserves of the fifteen nations and all revenue generated outside of the unions territory is kept at the French National Bank. On 3 Mai 2010 the website of Jeune Afrique quotes the former French Minister of Finance and Commerce, Christine Lagarde: “The Bank of the States of Central Africa, for instance, places an almost 90 per cent of their reserves in the French National Bank”. (4)

In 1960 Jean Boissonat, a member of the currency committee of the French National Bank wrote: “Almost all decisions were made in France .. The Franc Zone allowed France to deliver certain natural resources to itself without having to spend any foreign reserves. It was estimated that this represented two hundred and fifty million US-Dollar savings in terms of foreign reserves per year …” Boissonat continues by stating that approximately half a million Frenchmen in Paris receive their means of survival from the Franc Zone.(5)

The French socialist Jean-Noël Jeanny wrote in 1963 that: “all that the African nations achieve by increasing their export is the generation of more foreign currency reserves for France”.(6) He could as well have added “and the creation of debt for themselves”. Beside profiting on African foreign currency reserves which are returned to the West African nations in the form of debt, France is also profiting from African gold.

The gold reserves of the fifteen nations are kept in France, supposedly to guaranty for the value of the CFR Franc. In 2001 the West-African gold reserves at the French National Bank had an estimated value of 206,528 billion CFR Franc. In an interview for Le Liberation in 1996 the late President of Gabon, Omar Bongo said: “We are in the Franc Zone. Our operations accounts are managed by the French National Bank in Paris. Who profits from the interests that our money generates ? France.” (7)

France is indebting and enslaving Africans by means of Africa’s own wealth; for example: 12.0000 billion invested at three per cent creates 360 billion in interests which France grants as credits to Africa at an interest rate of five to six per cent or more. The allegory of “Bleeding Africa and Feeding France” is no exaggeration, not alarmist, and not revolutionary. It it is a sobering fact of French modo-colonialism and the cost in terms of under-development and human suffering is staggering. The current accounts and the French usurpation are a humanitarian disaster that is induced by France and financed by those who are suffering from it.

Coups, Crisis and French Finance-Nazism in Africa.

In 1996 France devalued the CFR Franc in spite of the protest of most western African nations. Former French Prime Minister Eduard Balladour justified the French dictated devaluation of the CFR Franc because “ it was considered to be the best possibility for aiding the development of the western African countries” (8), even though another statement by Balladoure indicates that he was aware of that the regulation of a currency is a matter of national sovereignty(9).

The late President of Togo, Etienne Gnassingbé said about the devaluation: “One uses to say that violence overrules justice. I was not the only one who issued the warning….. But France has decided otherwise. The African voices don´t count for much in this affair”.(10)

The words of the late Etienne Gnassingbé indicate that the Bleeding of Africa can be taken literally. According to the statutes of the monetary and economic union every member state is free to leave it. So much to theory. In practice, France has left a trail of post-modern coup d´etats, violence, and murder in those nations who tried to get out from under what many West-Africans perceive as French Finance-Nazism in Africa.

In January 1963 the President of Togo, the late Sylvanus Olympio was murdered three days before the issuing of a new currency.

On 19. November 1968 the late President of Mali Modibo Kéita was ousted in a coup and arrested. In 1977 Modibo Kéita died in prison. Kéita was poisoned.

On 27. January 1996 the President of Mali was ousted in a military coup d´etat.

On 15. March 2003 the late President of the Central African Republic Angè Félix Patassé was ousted by the “rebel leader” Francois Bozizé. In all cases the monetary union and France have played a role.

Ivory Coast´s President Laurent Gbagbo, France, the ICC and Modo-Colonialism.

When Laurent Gbagbo became the President of Ivory Coast one of his first official initiatives was the erection of a concrete wall in the tunnel that connects the French Embassy with the Presidential Residence. Gbagbo wanted Ivory Coast to abandon the CFA and institute a new regional and if possible a Pan-African, gold-backed currency. The initiative toward the establishment of a gold-backed Pan-African currency enjoyed the sympathy of many African nations and enjoyed unequivocal support from Libya, which until the so-called Arab Spring in 2011 was the richest and most developed of all African nations.

As if it was a conditioned reflex, France seemed transfixed by is fear of falling into the abyss, of losing the CFR racket that has kept the French economy afloat since it was conceived by de Gaulle in 1945. Rather than seeing a potential, France was biding its time until an opportunity for a post-modern coup d´etat. The 2010 Presidential elections in Ivory Coast. France sided with Alessanne Outtara. Libyan intelligence reports from 2009 and 2010 indicated that the French Intelligence Service D.G.S.E. had begun infiltrating, financing and arming a group of “rebels” in the northern region of Ivory Coast.

The outcome of the Presidential election was apparently very close. The electoral commission declared Alessanne Outtara the winner but the election result was disputed by Laurent Gbagbo.

There had been registered serious irregularities. In one particular village with a population of approximately ten thousand, Alessanne Outtara seemed to have received almost one hundred thousand votes.

Western mainstream media began building a narrative: The electoral commission had declared Outtara to be the winner. The despotic Laurent Gbagbo refused to hand over the reins of power to the winner of the elections. Gbagbo is cracking down on peaceful protesters. Gbagbo is cornered in his bunker…

What western media generally failed to report, underreported, or conveyed in a distorted and strongly biased fashion was that: Laurent Gabgbo and his party had brought the case to the Supreme Court; that the Supreme Court of Ivory Coast had recounted the votes; that the Supreme Court had taken notice of election fraud in favor of Outtara; and that the Supreme Court of Ivory Coast had declared Laurent Gbagbo to be the winner of the elections and the rightfully elected President of Ivory Coast. That French backed guerrilla began attacking predominantly pro-Gbagbo villages, committing massacres, and that French backed “rebels” were attacking the Presidential Residence.

What was emphatically reported in French and western media like the BBC was that “security forces” clamped down on peaceful protesters, and that “Ouattara´s Army” is cornering “Gbagbo in his bunker”.(11)

Nobody seemed to ask the important question. Where in the world had Outtara, who just claimed to have won the elections gotten an “army” from ?

It is symptomatic for the high prevalence of racism and condescending modo-colonialist reasoning among European populations that only very few commentators and analysts said:

“But the electoral commission is not the one who has the competence to approve of election results, it is the Supreme Court”.

A comparison can illustrate the point: When George W. Bush and Al Gore had the closest of all elections that have been held in the United States of America; who certified the election ? The Supreme Court, of course. (12)

Many Americans felt utterly disenfranchised but the population respected the Supreme Court. Could anyone have even thought about the remote possibility of “Al Gore´s Army cornering Bush in his Bunker” of “Gore neglecting the Supreme Court because the electoral commission had pronounced him to be the winner ?” And where in the world would Al Gore have gotten his army from Anyways ? And where did Alessanne Outtara get his army from ?

The capture of Laurent Gbagbo cost the lives of approximately 1.600 young Ivorian soldiers. Young patriots who were willing to defend the President of Ivory Coast from the onslaught of a French-backed post-modern coup d´etat. The capture an arrest of President Laurent Gbagbo was possible only after French special forces violated international law by blasting a hole into the wall which Laurent Gbagbo had erected inside the tunnel that connects the French embassy with the Presidential residence.

The sealed boxes with the ballots from the 2010 elections are kept at the United Nations. So far U.N. Secretary General Ban Kyi-moon has failed to order an independent re-count of the ballots. The fact that the United Nations has so far failed to re-count the ballots to determine the legitimacy of either Laurent Gbagbo´s or Alessanne Outtara´s claim for the Ivorian Presidency, combined with the selective and one-sided prosecution of Laurent Gbagbo at the ICC and of military officers who were loyal to him in 2010 is symptomatic for grave systemic and procedural problems at the United Nations and the International Criminal Court at The Haag. The case against Laurent Gbagbo ought to have been dismissed on the basis of selective prosecution from the very start. His prosecution at the ICC after French involvement in the aggravation of post-election violence in Ivory Coast and the arrest with the aid of French special forces is a blatant example for the abuse of the ICC as an instrument of modo-colonialist control. The most recent selectively prosecuted case is that against General Dogbo Ble in Ivory Coast. Also here western media are de-facto sentencing a political opponent of modo-colonialism before he is even heard in court.(13)

A recent analysis of the systemic and political problems with the ICC, the United Nations, the Rome Statute and the explosion of international law at its very root by Dr. Hans Köchler (14) reads as if it was written to elicit the injustice that is being perpetrated against Laurent Gbagbo and the people of Ivory Coast.

Missed Chances for African and European Economies and the Urgency of Change.

A growing number of African and European leaders are becoming impatient about the paralysis of France. African leaders are impatient because the obvious usurpation of their nations is unbearable for the African economies and their populations. European leaders are mostly impatient because France prevents a European adaptation to the last decades geopolitical changes in Africa and because the crisis of the Euro requires initiative rather than stagnation. Failure to integrate the western African economies into the economic sphere of Europe is bound to have devastating long term consequences for both Africa and Europe.

China has recognized the colossal market potential of a developing African middle class. The French and Trans-Atlantic model of usurpation and subjugation is not only criminal and unethical, it is also uncompetitive.

Recent statements made by the French political heavyweight Jacques Chiraq, who said that France does not have to be a benefactor, it must merely stop usurping Africa, are indicating a potential for change. Chiraq stated that failure to change French-African relations can have catastrophic consequences. 2012 Presidential candidate Jean Luc Mélenon stated that the CFA represents the severe mistake not to tie the western African economies to the economies of the European Union. Mélenon demanded that France abandons its veto right at the Boards of the African Central Banks.

The European Council stated that France is blocking for any project of the European Central Bank that attempts to change the nature or the bearing of the French involvement in the western African Central Banks. The French approach to managing French-African relations is not only bleeding Africa. It is increasingly bleeding both the French and European economies who are missing out on the market potential of an emerging African middle class.

Some political analysts have suggested the establishment of an African-European Peace and Reconciliation Commission that is dealing with the crimes of the past, the building of trust, the review of highly politicized cases at the International Criminal Court, such as the prosecution of Ivoryan President Laurent Gbagbo to ease a transition toward new African-European relations.

The question for this and the coming year is whether France will continue standing at the edge of the cliff and fall while dragging both western Africa and Europe into the abyss together with it, or if it dares to listen to the voices of reason from Africa and its European partners, turn its gaze away from the abyss and see that there is fertile land, right behind it.

Dr. Christof Lehmann

“I want to express my recognition and gratitude to Prof. Nicolas Agbohou. The historical context of the article and references about it are inspired by his speech at the Conference on African-French Relations in Paris City Hall, on 09 October 2012. – Dr. Christof Lehmann.”

NB.: If you like this kind of journalism, please sign up for a free subscription for our newspaper at the bottom left of this page and if possible, donate a few coins per month by using the donate button in the right side column. Thank you for informing yourself and for your support. 


  1. Pierre Arnold (1951), Les finances de la France et l´occupation Allemande.

  2. Artikel 3 de la BEAC.

  3. Article 2 of the Agreement about Operations Accounts between France and the African Nations within the Franc Zone (PAZF).

  4. Website of Jeune Afrique, 03. Mai 2010.

  5. Jean Boissonat. La Zone Franc: Survivance du Passé Ou Promesse d´Avenir. La Croix, 17 févenier 1960.

  6. Jean-Noël Jeanny. Rapport Jeanny; La politique de coopération avec les pays en vaie de dévelopment. Paris, documentation francaise 1963.

  7. Omar Bongo. Interwiew for Le Liberation, 18. September 1996, p.6.

  8. Jeune Afrique. Economie no 178, April 1994.

  9. E. Balladour in Le Monde, 09. February 1990. Lire aussie Géopolitique de printemps No 53, 1996, p.81

  10. Jeune Afrique no 1841, 17 – 23 April 1996, p. 38.

  11. Cornered in Abidjan as fears grow. Andrew harding on Africa, BBC, 06. April 2011.

  12. Supreme Court of the United States. George W. Bush et al., Petitioners v. Albert Gore Jr., el al., 12. December 2001.

  13. Ivory Coast´s pro-Laurent Gbagbo general Dogbo Ble on Trial. BBC, 02. October 2012.

  14. Dr. Hans Köchler. World Court without a World State. Criminal Justice under the Dictates of Realpolitic.

  15. The US/UN/NATO Race for Global, Full Spectrum Dominance. Black, Fetzer, Mezyaev and Lehmann, 15. August 2012. nsnbc.

About the Author

Christof Lehmann - Dr. Christof Lehmann is Danish and the founder and editor of nsnbc. He is a psychologist and former independent political consultant on conflict, conflict resolution and a wide range of other political issues. In March 2013 he established nsnbc as a daily, independent, international on-line newspaper. He can be contacted at nsnbc international at

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The United Nations High Commissioner of Human Right, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, has disclosed in Geneva, Switzerland Monday June 18, 2018 during the opening ceremony of the 38th Human Rights Council held at Palais de Nations, that the Cameroonian government has denied the Commission access to investigate abuses in various cities.

While briefing the President and members of the Council on Rights situation in the world, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein said, “In Cameroon, I trust that recent promising discussions with the authorities will swiftly lead to approval for a mission by the Office to all parts of the country. To date this access has been refused, despite the growing crisis in the Anglophone regions, with fighting between up to a dozen armed groups and the security forces. We have received reports of abuses and violations by all sides, including burning of schools and private property; mass arrests and arbitrary detentions; and the use of torture and excessive force by security personnel, leading to the displacement of 150,000 people within the country and over 20,000 to neighboring Nigeria.”

Representatives of Cameroonian based nongovernmental Organizations also added their voices to the statement of the Commissioner saying that, “The UN should provide humanitarian protective assistance that will ensure that Cameroon’s armed forces and civil administrative personnel leave the areas for a smooth return of refugees and IDPs as well as putting in place UN administration for organization of independence referendum.”

Cameron government on its part has always said there will be no debate when it comes to separation.

Conspicuously absent during this 38th Human Rights Council is the Cameroon Delegate at the Council.

The UNHCR Commissioner also presented Rights abuses in other countries such as DR Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, South Sudan, Ethiopia, and Zimbabwe among others.

List of already existing facilities and flowerishing businesses in Ambazonia, which the Ahijo and Biya puppet regimes of France deliberately destroyed: 



Was a Hydro Electricity Dame located in Yoke Mutual that electrified the entire British Southern Cameroons. Was closed by La Republique Government after reunification.


            CAMEROON BANK: 

Was our English speaking Bank located in Buea. Was the biggest Bank in the two Cameroons. Operated under Barclays Bank UK standards in West Africa. Crumbled by Ahidjo and finally by Biya. 



  Was the Cocoa and Coffee authority of British Southern Cameroons with the headquarters in Victoria (now Limbe). It provided English speaking farmers with details on situation of World market. It invested it's reserves in the Cameroon Bank and employed young men by running football clubs. Completely scattered by La republique. 



Dutch culture implanted in Cameroon in English speaking Cameroon. Farmers had to work in Cooperative groups. Easy management, reforms and sponsorship. La Republique killed it.



A well trained British Police Force that we inherited and was noted for it's discipline. Ahidjo replaced them with a ruthless French Gendarmerie. 



The main hub was Tiko international airport. It transported CDC produce and also in charge with domestic  AIRPORT. IT flights. It represented British Southern Cameroons values and was fast a growing airline in West Africa at that time. Closed down by La Republique. 



Was the Southern Cameroons identity of heavy duty machines readily available for council road maintenance and repairs. Their pride was also seen in football clubs; PWD Kumba and PWD Bamenda. Was the fastest road construction road construction and maintenance body growing in West Africa. I t was maliciously stifled by vicious elements of La Republique du Cameroun.



Body of Trained Roving Agric experts who moved around, helping farmers by educating on farming methods. Headquarters was in the N.W. was ruined by La Republique du Cameroun.


 EKONA RESEARCH CENTRE. Created by Americans and was the best research center in West Africa. Was systematically Francophonized and now is no more.


  TIKO INTERNATIONAL Airport was indeed the fastest growing international airport in West and it hosted late Dr. Nwame Nkrumah of Ghana during his maiden official visit to British Southern Cameroons. Shut down by La Republique du Cameroun. 


          TIKO WHARF:

 It linked maritime transport between British Southern Cameroons via Nigeria to the entire West Africa. Was growing to the status of a seaport. Killed down by La Republique du Cameroun.



Created through a British Southern Cameroons initiative to subsidize farmers both financially and materially. Was transferred to Yaounde by Ahmadinejad  Ahidjo and the name changed to Credit Agricole and later destroyed by by the Francophones.



 Equipped with heavy industrial machines, it trained Southern Cameroonians to master and maintain their culture. Was killed by La Republic du Cameroun. 


George Pompadour (French President) alongside Sushi and Paul Paul Biya Mvondo decided to crumble our economy so as to make us beggers and slaves to La Republique du Cameroun for ever.


      CDC (Cameroon Development Corporation).

Systematically been privatized to stakeholders by Biya's Government.



Has been francophonized. The account is used by Biya as his private account.


 What of festivities such as these: 


Empire Day


Confidence Hotel Orchestra

Bali Modern Jazz

Lido Orchestra

Chrystal Garden Orchestra

Mountain Hotel Orchestra

West Cameroon Hotels Ltd.


They were all intentionally destroyed to bring Ambazonian sovereignty and strength down ....